The rivers of Guinea and the islands of Cape Verde were among the first areas in Africa explored by the Portuguese in the 15th century. Portugal claimed Portuguese Guinea in 1446, but few trading posts were established before 1600. In 1630, a "captaincy-general" of Portuguese Guinea was established to administer the territory. With the cooperation of some local tribes, the Portuguese entered the slave trade and exported large numbers of Africans to the Western Hemisphere via the Cape Verde Islands. Cacheu became one of the major slave centers, and a small fort still stands in the town. The slave trade declined in the 19th century, and Bissau, originally founded as a military and slave-trading center in 1765, grew to become the major commercial center.

Portuguese conquest and consolidation of the interior did not begin until the latter half of the 19th century. Portugal lost part of Guinea to French West Africa, including the center of earlier Portuguese commercial interest, the Casamance River region. A dispute with Great Britain over the island of Bolama was settled in Portugal's favor with the involvement of U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant.

Before World War I, Portuguese forces, with some assistance from the Muslim population, subdued animist tribes and eventually established the territory's borders. The interior of Portuguese Guinea was brought under control after more than 30 years of fighting; final subjugation of the Bijagos Islands did not occur until 1936. The administrative capital was moved from Bolama to Bissau in 1941, and in 1952, by constitutional amendment, the colony of Portuguese Guinea became an overseas province of Portugal.

In 1956, Amilcar Cabral and Raphael Barbosa organized the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) clandestinely. The PAIGC moved its headquarters to Conakry, Guinea, in 1960 and started an armed rebellion against the Portuguese in 1961. Despite the presence of Portuguese troops, which grew to more than 35,000, the PAIGC steadily expanded its influence until, by 1968, it controlled most of the country.

It established civilian rule in the territory under its control and held elections for a National Assembly. Portuguese forces and civilians increasingly were confined to their garrisons and larger towns. The Portuguese Governor and Commander in Chief from 1968 to 1973, Gen. Antonio de Spinola, returned to Portugal and led the movement that brought democracy to Portugal and independence for its colonies.

Amilcar Cabral was assassinated in Conakry in 1973, and party leadership fell to Aristides Pereira, who later became the first President of the Republic of Cape Verde. The PAIGC National Assembly met at Boe in the southeastern region and declared the independence of Guinea-Bissau on September 24, 1973. Following Portugal's April 1974 revolution, it granted independence to Guinea-Bissau on September 10, 1974. The United States recognized the new nation that day. Luis Cabral, Amilcar Cabral's half-brother, became President of Guinea-Bissau. In late 1980, the government was overthrown in a relatively bloodless coup led by Prime Minister and former armed forces commander Joao Bernardo Vieira.

From November 1980 to May 1984, power was held by a provisional government responsible to a Revolutionary Council headed by President Joao Bernardo Vieira. In 1984, the council was dissolved, and the National Popular Assembly (ANP) was reconstituted. The single-party assembly approved a new constitution, elected President Vieira to a new 5-year term, and elected a Council of State, which was the executive agent of the ANP. Under this system, the president presided over the Council of State and served as head of state and government. The president also was head of the PAIGC and commander in chief of the armed forces.

There were alleged coup plots against the Vieira government in 1983, 1985, and 1993. In 1986, first Vice President Paulo Correia and five others were executed for treason following a lengthy trial. In 1994, the country's first multi-party legislative and presidential elections were held. An army uprising against the Vieira government in June 1998 triggered a bloody civil war that created hundreds of thousands of displaced persons. The President was ousted by a military junta in May 1999. An interim government turned over power in February 2000 when opposition leader Kumba Yala, founder of the Social Renovation Party (PRS), took office following two rounds of transparent presidential elections.

Despite the elections, democracy did not take root in the succeeding 3 years. President Yala neither vetoed nor promulgated the new constitution that was approved by the National Assembly in April 2001. The resulting ambiguity undermined the rule of law. Impulsive presidential interventions in ministerial operations hampered effective governance. On November 14, 2002, the President dismissed the government of Prime Minister Alamara Nhasse, dissolved the National Assembly, and called for legislative elections. Two days later, he appointed Prime Minister Mario Pires to lead a caretaker government controlled by presidential decree. Elections for the National Assembly were scheduled for April 2003, but later postponed until June and then October. On September 12, 2003, the President of the National Elections Commission announced that it would be impossible to hold the elections on October 12, 2003, as scheduled. The army, led by Chief of Defense General Verrisimo Correia Seabra, intervened on September 14, 2003. President Yala announced his "voluntary" resignation and was placed under house arrest. The government was dissolved and a 25-member Committee for Restoration of Democracy and Constitutional Order was established. On September 28, 2003 businessman Henrique Rosa was sworn in as President. He had the support of most political parties and of civil society. Artur Sanha, PRS President, was sworn in as Prime Minister. On March 28 and 30, 2004, Guinea-Bissau held legislative elections which international observers deemed acceptably free and fair. On May 9, 2004, Carlos Gomes Junior became Prime Minister.

Guinea-Bissau is among the world's least developed nations and depends mainly on agriculture and fishing. Guinea-Bissau exports some fish and seafood, although most fishing in Guinea-Bissau’s waters is presently not done by Bissau-Guineans and very little fish and seafood is processed in Guinea-Bissau. The country’s other important product is cashews. License fees for fishing provide the government with some revenue. Rice is a major crop and staple food and, if developed, Guinea-Bissau could potentially be self-sufficient in rice. Tropical fruits such as mangos could also provide more income to the country if the sector were developed. Because of high costs, the development of petroleum, phosphate, and other mineral resources is not a near-term prospect. However, unexploited offshore oil reserves may possibly provide much-needed revenue in the long run.

The military conflict that took place in Guinea-Bissau from June 1998 to early 1999 caused severe damage to the country's infrastructure and widely disrupted economic activity. Agricultural production is estimated to have fallen by 17% during the conflict, and the civil war led to a 28% overall drop in gross domestic product (GDP) in 1998. Cashew nut output, the main export crop, declined in 1998 by an estimated 30%. World cashew prices dropped by more than 50% in 2000, compounding the economic devastation caused by the conflict. Before the war, trade reform and price liberalization were the most successful part of the country's structural adjustment program under International Monetary Fund (IMF) sponsorship. Under the government's post-conflict economic and financial program, implemented with IMF and World Bank input, real GDP recovered in 1999 by almost 8%. In December 2000 Guinea-Bissau qualified for almost $800 million in debt-service relief under the first phase of the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. However, Guinea-Bissau’s Poverty Reduction and Growth Fund program with the IMF was suspended that same month--following disbursement of the first tranche--due to off-program expenditures by the Yala regime. Thus, IMF and Paris Club internal debt relief for Guinea-Bissau was also suspended in 2001. Presently, Guinea-Bissau is benefiting from World Bank and African Development Bank debt relief.

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. In 2003, the Ahmadiya, an Islamic religious group expelled from the country in 2001, was permitted to return after the Government determined that former President Yala's decision to expel them had been an illegal breach of due process. Although the Government must license religious groups, there were no reports that any applications were refused.

Although the civil war that led to the closure of the U.S. Embassy ended in 1999 and a new government came into office on May 12, 2004, travelers should be aware that the political situation, though gaining stability, is still in a period of transition. The United Nations currently has restrictions on travel to the northwest regions of the country, which border on Senegal's Casamance region. It is recommended that travelers crossing the Senegalese frontier utilize crossing points east of Cambaju. Landmines remain scattered throughout the country. The UN office in Bissau is responsible for de-mining operations and maintains lists of known minefields. There are two NGOs active in successfully removing mines. There have been periodic incidents of bandits accosting travelers in rural areas. Although there is a fairly low incidence of normal daytime street crime, travelers should observe security precautions in the city, particularly with regard to pickpocket activity in marketplaces. Travelers should refrain from walking alone at night.

The police, under the direction of the Ministry of the Interior, have primary responsibility for the country's internal security. The armed forces are responsible for external security and can be called upon to assist the police in internal emergencies. In 2002, the Government began a comprehensive program to restructure the armed forces, improve military living conditions, and demobilize approximately 4,000 active duty military personnel; however, living conditions remained poor, salary arrears had not been paid, and the reinsertion and reintegration phases of the program had not been completed by year's end. The October 6 mutiny was the fourth time since the country's independence in 1974 that the military intervened and acted independently of government authority. Some members of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.

Security forces committed political killings during the year. On October 6, military mutineers killed former Defense Chief General Verissimo Correia Seabraor, who led the coup against former president Yala, and Colonel Domingos de Barros, the head of human resources for the military; the soldiers responsible for the killings had not been identified by year's end. The mutineers, who reportedly beat and abused other officers, demanded payment of salary arrears and improved living conditions.

There were no developments in the March 2003 case of Army Second Lieutenant Mussa Cassama, who died in detention from injuries inflicted during torture. There were three deaths from landmines and one from unexploded ordnance during the year.

The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and, in the past, security forces arrested and detained persons without judicial authority or warrants. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of the arbitrary arrest of opposition politicians, journalists, and union leaders; however, a human rights activist was arrested. All persons detained without charge or trial during the former Kumba Yala presidency were released following the September 2003 military coup.

The country is divided into 37 police districts, each with its own police station; there were an estimated 600 police in the country. Since the 1998 civil war, police recruitment has not kept pace with attrition. Unlike in the previous year, police were paid regularly; however, they have not been compensated for up to 24 months of salary arrears. Impunity and corruption were rampant, and police generally were ineffective. There was a severe lack of resources and training.

The law provides for procedural rights, such as the right to counsel, the right to release if no timely indictment is brought, and the right to a speedy trial. In the past, the judicial system, which was heavily backlogged and under strong executive influence, failed to provide these rights; however, there were some improvements during the year.

In late 2003, Supreme Court judges and officials who were detained by former president Yala in 2001 were released and allowed to resume their positions.

The four Senegalese detained in 2002 were among those released following the September 2003 coup.

The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in the past, the judiciary was subject to executive influence and control, and members of the Supreme Court were appointed and often replaced by the former President. During the year, the judiciary made major strides in establishing its constitutional independence: The Supreme Court elected Maria do Ceu Silva Monteiro as its Chief Justice, and in conjunction with regional courts, began hearing case backlogs; and the Ministry of Justice and the legal professional association reactivated the public defender program. Despite this, judges continued to be poorly trained and paid and sometimes were subject to corruption.

Civilian courts conduct trials involving state security. Under the Code of Military Justice, military courts only try crimes committed by armed forces personnel. The Supreme Court is the final court of appeal for both military and civilian cases. The President has the authority to grant pardons and reduce sentences.

Trials do not use juries; however, the accused are presumed innocent and have the right to timely access to an attorney, to question witnesses, to have access to evidence held by the Government, and to appeal. Citizens who could not afford an attorney have the right to a court-appointed lawyer.

Traditional practices still prevailed in most rural areas, and persons who lived in urban areas often brought judicial disputes to traditional counselors to avoid the costs and bureaucratic impediments of the official system. The police often resolved disputes.

There were no reports of political prisoners.

Prison conditions remained poor but generally were not life threatening. The country does not have formal prisons. Most prisoners were detained in makeshift detention facilities on military bases in Bissau and neighboring cities. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that security forces beat and abused civilian prisoners or used incommunicado detention. Detention facilities generally lacked running water or adequate sanitation. Detainees' diets were poor, and medical care was virtually nonexistent. Men and women were held in separate facilities, and juveniles were held separately from adults. Pretrial detainees were not held separately from convicted prisoners.

The Government generally permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by local and international human rights groups. During the year, the Office of the Representative of the U.N. Secretary General (UNOGBIS) regularly visited prisoners. Beginning in late 2003 and during the year, the International Committee of the Red Cross and UNOGBIS were allowed to visit the seven remaining military personnel who had been held incommunicado since December 2002.

Domestic violence, including wife beating, was an accepted means of settling domestic disputes. Although police intervened in domestic disputes if requested, the Government had not undertaken specific measures to counter social pressure against reporting domestic violence, rape, incest, and other mistreatment of women.

There were laws against rape; however, government enforcement of those laws was limited, in large part because of lack of resources.

FGM was practiced widely within certain ethnic groups, especially the Fulas and the Mandinkas. The practice has increased as the Muslim population has grown and was being performed not only on adolescent girls, but also on babies as young as 4 months old. The Government has not outlawed the practice; however, a national committee continued to conduct a nationwide education campaign to discourage FGM. Both international and domestic NGOs continued working through the national committee to eliminate FGM.

Sinim Mira Nassique, a local NGO, has initiated alternative FGM summer camps for young girls throughout the country. During the summer, girls attended camps in Farim, Buba, and Gabu, where they experienced all traditional initiation rights except excision. The camps, which taught the dangers of FGM, also provided training in hygiene, sewing, embroidery, and other skills.

The law prohibits prostitution; however, enforcement was weak.

The law treats men and women equally and prohibits official discrimination; however, such discrimination was a problem, particularly in rural areas, where traditional and Islamic law were dominant. Women were responsible for most work on subsistence farms and had limited access to education, especially in rural areas. Women did not have equal access to employment. Among certain ethnic groups, women cannot own or manage land or inherit property.

The Government allocated only limited resources for children's welfare and education; however, unlike in previous years, primary and secondary schools operated for most of the year, and the Government generally paid teachers' salaries. Public schooling was universal, compulsory until 7 years of age, and free through the 4th grade. A 2003 UNDP study indicated that 60 percent of school-age children did not attend school, in large part, because schools were closed for most or all of 2003 as a result of the Government's failure to pay teachers' salaries.

FGM was performed commonly on young girls and sometimes even infants.

Child trafficking occurred.

The law does not prohibit trafficking in persons, and there were reports that children were trafficked from or within the country. Some boys sent from rural areas to attend Koranic schools in Senegal reportedly were exploited and forced to work as street beggars to earn money for the school leadership. The practice of buying and selling child brides also reportedly occurred on occasion.

There were reports that customs, border guards, immigration officials, labor inspectors, or local police may have been bribed to facilitate such trafficking; however, no specific information was available.

The Government has not prosecuted any cases against traffickers.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Internet research assisted by Marni Bender and Ali Yousefi